Protestants and interfaith relations
In: Contemporary Jewish record: review of events and a digest of opinion, Band 5, S. 578-588
ISSN: 0363-6909
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In: Contemporary Jewish record: review of events and a digest of opinion, Band 5, S. 578-588
ISSN: 0363-6909
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 23, Heft 6, S. 164-172
ISSN: 2312-8704
This paper deals with the dynamics of changes in relations between followers of Christianity and Islam in Egypt since the 1970s. The relevance of our research consists in the fact that the aforementioned world religions play a significant role in the formation of Egyptians' mindset and the predestination of their behavior. The novelty of the topic is associated with the attempt to speak about the problem of interfaith relations in the light of main "players' view". The list of players includes the State, the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Muslim Brotherhood Movement and other Islamic institutions under presidential control. The research is aimed at analyzing the interfaith relations in Egypt over the last fifty years in order to determine their current status. To achieve this goal, we consistently solved a number of tasks. At first, we found out prerequisites of problem's emergence, then we described interests of each group, considered their activity and made general implications. Methods: For complex study of the role of the State and religious structures, we have applied an institutional research method. A historical and a system method allowed us to comprehend a genesis of the question and show how internal and external factors affect these institutions. Results: We've made the conclusion that the main impact on interfaith relations was made by authoritarian leader who specified their evolution in a favorable way for him. The official Islamic clerics get benefits from the President and therefore do not criticize his power. The Coptic Orthodox Church also collaborates with the State under the threat of terroristic attacks. The Muslim Brotherhood Movement shows independent views, so it can condemn or support President's decisions based on their vision of the role of religion in the country. Thus, in the 21st century, the choice between Secularization and Islamization will became principal for Egypt's development.
In: Mir nauki: sociologija, filologija, kul'turologija : naučnyj žurnal otkrytogo dostupa = World of science : sociology, philology, cultural studies, Band 13, Heft 3
ISSN: 2542-0577
The article deals with the relationship between confessions, between them and other social forces, the state. Opportunities are also being considered for dialogue and cooperation on a variety of issues, such as human rights, upbringing and education (particularly religious).
Examples of the dialogue of leaders of churches of various Christian denominations are given — a meeting in Cuba in February 2016, the relevant documents developed at the World Russian People's Councils.
It is shown that interfaith dialogue and cooperation is likely on such issues as, for example, the attitude to the situation in various regions of the world and possible participation in its resolution, human rights, religious education and education, etc.
The article notes that with the apparent absence of interfaith differences, with the intervention of radical forces and, especially, politics, the risk of ideological confrontation and open clashes remains, posing a threat to the cultural and national security of the country.
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Heft 6, S. 164-172
In: Ukrainian policymaker, Band 8
ISSN: 2617-2208
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 121, Heft 834, S. 123-128
ISSN: 1944-785X
The phenomenal rise of Hindu nationalism, and the implementation of a series of anti-minority decrees, has raised national and international concerns about the nature and culture of interfaith relations in contemporary India. While Hindu religious identities become increasingly politicized and integrated into nationalist propaganda, some ordinary Indians continue to defy absolute separation between communities. This essay suggests that urban poverty often becomes a context for entangled humanity across lines of faith, as the poor informally use their sacred spaces as arenas for retaining and reviving old and new forms of interreligious coexistence, mutual assistance, and reverence.
Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- 1 Introduction: Nostra Aetate and Its Relevance for Today -- Part I Nostra Aetate: Historical and Social Context -- 2 Correcting the Nostra Aetate Legend: The Contested, Minimal, and Almost Failed Effort to Embrace a Tragedy and Amend Christian Attitudes Toward Jews, Muslims, and the Followers of Other Religions -- Introduction -- Correcting the Legend: A Simple Mandate and No More -- Correcting the Legend: For a Constructive View of Muslims -- Correcting the Legend: Pope Paul VI Made Nostra Aetate Possible -- Correcting the Legend: Christian Delegated Observers and Other Guests -- Correcting the Legend: The Insignificance of Two Different Words for Dialogue -- Correcting the Legend: Becoming a Declaration Is Not Downgrading the Status -- Correcting the Legend: Missionaries Expanded Nostra Aetate -- Bringing Nostra Aetate to a Successful Conclusion: One Final Crisis -- 3 The Ecclesial and Theological Origins of Nostra Aetate and Its Significance for Present and Future Interfaith Engagement -- The Emergence of Nostra Aetate -- Immediate Historical and Ecclesial Context: The Shoah -- Broader Historical and Ecclesial Context: The First Signs of a New Form of Papacy -- The Drafting of the Declaration: Resistance and Growth -- The Post-Vatican II Popes and Nostra Aetate -- Paul VI and Nostra Aetate -- Paul VI on Judaism vis-à-vis Nostra Aetate -- Paul VI on Islam vis-à-vis Nostra Aetate -- John Paul II and Nostra Aetate -- John Paul II on Judaism vis-à-vis Nostra Aetate -- John Paul II on Islam vis-à-vis Nostra Aetate -- Benedict XVI and Nostra Aetate -- Benedict XVI on Judaism vis-à-vis Nostra Aetate -- Benedict XVI on Islam vis-à-vis Nostra Aetate -- Nostra Aetate and the Future of Dialogue -- Part II Nostra Aetate: Relationship with the Jewish People.
In: Contemporary review of the Middle East, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 147-164
ISSN: 2349-0055
Due to their important role as the "revolutionary youth" ( shabāb al-thawra) in the 2011 Egyptian revolution (known in part as the Arab Spring), they have attracted considerable attention from scholars. In the post-revolution era, discourse on the revolutionary youth has become prominent in Egypt. Compared to the social exclusion of the youth before 2011, it is noteworthy that the revolutionary youth emerged as the main focus of the interfaith relations between Muslims and Coptic Christians. Based on field research data, this article argues that since 2011, the "revolutionary youth" has become a new driving force of the solidarity movement among different sections of society, particularly interfaith harmony. By and large, the interfaith movement can be seen as an activist movement to maintain one's ongoing revolutionary spirit by living differently. As a part of the global generation, Egyptian youth have been transformed by the revolution experience within the context of their historical–social location.
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 140-141
ISSN: 0021-969X
For example, in dealing with interfaith marriage, he points to the fact that, while the Old Testament, the Talmud, and Christian canon law uniformly frown on mixed marriages, the Muslim legal schools allowed Muslim men to marry Jewish and Christian women (p. 160-61). According to the Qur'an, Jews and Christians represent a special category of religious adherents called People of the Book, who were not required to accept Islam or face death, but were allowed to pay a tax and to remain in their communities of faith.
In: Cambridge studies in Islamic civilization
The 1965 Presidential Decree on the blasphemy and abuse of religion law is bad news for tribal religions. Therefore they try to maintain their existence by taking refuge in Hinduism. Some things to consider include, the similarity of elements of local beliefs and the freedom to exercise trust. Nevertheless, they still feel the government treats them discriminatively because there is no freedom to display their identity. The problem is further complicated because other religious communities tend to regard them as infidels who need to be "converted" into believing in Allah and embracing one of the official religions. The desire of adherents of tribal religions to be treated fairly gets a fresh breeze through a 2016 constitutional court ruling that allows them to empty the religious column on their electronic identity card (KTP) or other identity cards, or allow them to write their identity as "believers"; But this decision raises the question: How the relationship between adherents of universal religion and adherents of tribal religion in the midst of changes in the constitution? I use the observational methodology and theory Cosmotheandric Trinity by Raimundo Panikkar. The Constitutional Court (MK) decision is correct. The tribal religion (aluk todolo/ alukta) is pluralis. Therefore Christianity needs to redefine its mission to aluk and build respectful relationships based on the principle of difference is valued without reducing religious values ??to a universal value.
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In: Shofar: a quarterly interdisciplinary journal of Jewish studies ; official journal of the Midwest and Western Jewish Studies Associations, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 109-113
ISSN: 1534-5165
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 634-662
ISSN: 1755-0491
AbstractStudies have documented more negative attitudes and a higher level of social hostilities toward religious minorities in Muslim than in non-Muslim countries. I seek to explain what contributes to these poor interfaith relations. Diverging from the mainstream approaches that focus on cultural, institutional, or psychological explanations, I argue that the poorer interfaith relations in Muslim countries are driven by high levels of religious bonding or religiously homogeneous friendships among Muslims in these countries. Analyzing a global survey of more than 17,000 Muslims and a report documenting how religious groups in a country restrict or discriminate against each other, I show that religious bonding is related to more negative attitudes toward religious minorities, that a country's level of religious bonding is positively related to its level of social hostilities, and that religious bonding is indeed higher among Muslims in Muslim countries than among Catholics in Catholic-majority Latin American countries.
In: Political theology, Band 11, Heft 5, S. 691-716
ISSN: 1743-1719